Representative Jason Chaffetz, the powerful chairman of the House Oversight Committee, told supporters on Wednesday that he would not seek re-election to Congress — or for any office — in 2018.
Mr. Chaffetz, a Utah Republican who clearly savored his oversight part more under a Democratic organization, said he was prepared to come back to the separate division after over 13 years in broad daylight benefit, calling his choice an “individual” one.
“I have long advocated public service should be for a limited time and not a lifetime or full career,” he said in a statement posted on Facebook. “After more than 1,500 nights away from my home, it is time.”
He said his choice was not in light of either wellbeing or political concerns, including that he was “certain” of his re-race should he have sought after it and held support from Speaker Paul D. Ryan for his council chairmanship. G.O.P. Lawmaker Hints at Investigating Ethics Chief Critical of Trump JAN. 13, 2017 For Jason Chaffetz, Quixotic House Speaker Bid Is in Character OCT. 6, 2015
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Over year and a half out from the decision in the intensely Republican region, there were already possible signs of a challenging race in Mr. Chaffetz’s future. Kathryn Allen, a doctor and political newcomer running as a Democrat, has officially raised almost $400,000 more than Mr. Chaffetz this year, The Salt Lake Tribune announced Sunday — the greater part of it from givers outside of Utah. Furthermore, Mr. Chaffetz had additionally procured an essential challenger: Damian W. Kidd, a legal counselor and another newcomer who blamed the congressman for thinking more about himself than his district.
A year ago, Mr. Chaffetz openly measured the likelihood of running for legislative head of Utah in 2020, when his board chairmanship would be set to expire. Indeed, even with his declaration, Mr. Chaffetz left open the likelihood of his arrival.
“I may run again for public office,” he added, “but not in 2018.”
Mr. Ryan on Wednesday praised Mr. Chaffetz as “a great defender of liberty and limited government.”
On Capitol Hill, Mr. Chaffetz has demonstrated a shrewd streak, regularly surging toward TV cameras with an energetic grin. Amid the race, he wavered a few times before support President Trump. He said he would not have the capacity to look at his high school girl in the eye should he vote for Mr. Trump after disclosures emerged that Mr. Trump had bragged in 2005 of sexually attacking ladies. At that point, he voted for him. Furthermore, he pledged to explore Hillary Clinton whether she won or not.
With a ready foil in Mrs. Clinton, whose brushes with contention have maintained numerous Republican congressional professions, Mr. Chaffetz showed up prepared to rise as the main tormentor for another Democratic White House.
Rather, as much as perhaps any member of Congress, his fortunes turned impressively with Mr. Trump’s triumph.
During his time heading the committee, Mr. Chaffetz has frequently concentrated on two pet issues: reprimanding the Secret Service for security slips by and holding Mrs. Clinton to account.
After the F.B.I. Director, James B. Comey, reported in July that the agency would suggest that Mrs. Clinton not is charged over her utilization of a private email account when she was secretary of state, Mr. Chaffetz drove House Republicans in dismissing Mr. Comey’s conclusion.
Five days after the announcement, Mr. Chaffetz asked the Justice Department to investigate whether Mrs. Clinton had lied in her testimony before Congress about the 2012 attacks in Benghazi, Libya. Mr. Chaffetz had been one of the principal administrators to bring up issues about the Obama organization’s part in Benghazi, venturing out to Libya not as much as a month after the assaults to assess security norms.
“It’s the nature of being the committee chairman to conduct oversight of the administration,” he said a year ago, depicting his part as a quest for realities, not a political plan.
But with Mr. Trump’s surprise victory in November, Mr. Chaffetz ended up in an awkward position: a guard dog who regularly sounded unwilling to watch over a fellow Republican.
Whenever Mr. Trump’s former national security consultant, Michael T. Flynn, surrendered in February during reports of his contacts with the Russian minister, Mr. Chaffetz seemed anxious to proceed onward.
“I think that situation has taken care of itself,” he said. Different controversies had nothing to do with oversight.
A month ago, as his gathering quarreled over how to supplant President Barack Obama’s health care law, Mr. Chaffetz experienced harsh criticism for recommending that uninsured Americans ought to burn through cash all alone social insurance “rather than getting that new iPhone that they just love.”
Opposition to Mr. Chaffetz has met him at his adopted doorstep as well. His tightfisted control of the District of Columbia’s laws, which fall under his board of trustees’ domain, has been compensated with a D.C.- conceived, hostile to Chaffetz political action committee.
First elected in 2008, Mr. Chaffetz, who was a kicker on the Brigham Young University football team, has taken pride in resting in his office to save money.
Seizing on the turmoil that took after the renunciation of John A. Boehner as House speaker, Mr. Chaffetz rose as a contender after bolster started to dissolve for Representative Kevin McCarthy of California, the Republican lion’s share pioneer who had been relied upon to acquire the hammer. In any case, he moved to one side when it turned out to be evident that Mr. Ryan would assemble enough support.
Moreover, being speaker at such an unpredictable time in Congress is “not good for career longevity,” Mr. Chaffetz disclosed to The New York Times in 2015. “But I don’t plan to be here that long.”